The \u2018Political Prisoners. Memorial\u2019 human rights project, based on<\/strong> international standards<\/strong><\/a>, considers Mykola Onuk a political prisoner. Onuk has been convicted of vandalism and desecrating the Russian coat of arms for putting up posters, along with a fabricated charge of possessing explosives. Onuk\u2019s prosecution and conviction have violated his rights to freedom of expression and fair trial. We demand the immediate release of Mykola Onuk and that all criminal charges against him be dropped<\/strong>.<\/p> What were the charges against Mykola Onuk?<\/strong><\/p> On the night of 7 July 2023, posters were put up in Simferopol on buildings at the railway station, the Supreme Court of Crimea, bus stops, and on a fence. The posters depicted a double-headed eagle pierced by a blue and yellow sword, with the words \u2018Crimea is Ukraine\u2019 in Ukrainian. Law enforcement agents trawling through CC TV footage determined the person responsible was Mykola Onuk.<\/p> On the evening of 1 August, officers from the anti-extremism police unit (\u2018Centre E\u2019) burst into Onuk\u2019s home. They conducted an unlawful search under the guise of an \u2018inspection of the premises.\u2019 Onuk was subsequently jailed on an administrative charge of disobeying the police. This was immediately followed by a second administrative-law jail term, allegedly for displaying extremist symbols.<\/p> While serving his second jail term, on 25 August 2023, Onuk was remanded in custody on a criminal charge of transporting and possessing explosives (Article 222.1, Part 1 of the Russian Criminal Code) that had allegedly been found during the search of his home. Soon after, two more charges related to the posters were laid against him: desecrating the Russian coat of arms (Article 329) and vandalism (Article 214, Part 2).<\/p> On 16 May 2024, Onuk was convicted on all charges and sentenced to five years\u2019 imprisonment.<\/p> Why do we consider Onuk a political prisoner?<\/strong><\/p> There was no evidence to prove Mykola Onuk was in possession of explosives. The investigative authorities provided a detailed description of how Onuk allegedly received the explosive device, yet at the same time made no attempt to identify the person who allegedly gave it to him. There is no proof that Onuk\u2019s fingerprints were on the explosives. It is also significant that a criminal investigation on such a serious charge was only opened nearly one month after the explosives were allegedly found.<\/p> Furthermore, the search was conducted unlawfully. Formally an \u2018inspection of the premises\u2019 such as that conducted of Onuk\u2019s home does not permit the seizure of items without the owner\u2019s consent. During the search, force was used against Onuk and his lawyer was absent.<\/p> Evidently, the authorities required Onuk\u2019s repeated jailing on administrative-law charges in order to facilitate the fabrication of evidence against him for possessing explosives. The real reason for Onuk\u2019s prosecution was his distribution of posters opposing the annexation of Crimea.<\/p> Putting up posters is not vandalism: they caused no damage to buildings and did not \u2018desecrate\u2019 them. As for the charge of desecrating the coat of arms, state symbols are often used in campaigning materials and such depictions cannot be grounds for criminal prosecution. <\/p> A detailed description of Mykola Onuk\u2019s case and of our position is available on our website<\/a>.<\/p> Recognition of an individual as a political prisoner does not imply the \u2018Political Prisoners. Memorial\u2019 human rights project agrees with, or approves, their views, statements, or actions.<\/em><\/p> How can you help?<\/strong><\/p> You can write to Mykola Onuk at the following address:<\/p> In Russian: 298330, \u0420\u0435\u0441\u043f\u0443\u0431\u043b\u0438\u043a\u0430 \u041a\u0440\u044b\u043c, \u0433. \u041a\u0435\u0440\u0447\u044c, \u0443\u043b. \u0418\u043d\u0434\u0443\u0441\u0442\u0440\u0438\u0430\u043b\u044c\u043d\u043e\u0435 \u0448\u043e\u0441\u0441\u0435, 17, \u0424\u041a\u0423 \u0418\u041a-2 \u0423\u0424\u0421\u0418\u041d \u0420\u043e\u0441\u0441\u0438\u0438 \u043f\u043e \u0420\u0435\u0441\u043f\u0443\u0431\u043b\u0438\u043a\u0435 \u041a\u0440\u044b\u043c \u0438 \u0433. \u0421\u0435\u0432\u0430\u0441\u0442\u043e\u043f\u043e\u043b\u044c, \u041e\u043d\u0443\u043a\u0443 \u041d\u0438\u043a\u043e\u043b\u0430\u044e \u041d\u0438\u043a\u043e\u043b\u0430\u0435\u0432\u0438\u0447\u0443 1988 \u0433. \u0440.<\/p> In English: Mykola Mykolayovych Onuk (born 1988), Penal Colony No. 2, Federal Penitentiary Service of Russia for the Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol, 17 Industrialnoe Shosse, Kerch, Crimea, 298330, Russia.<\/p> We respect Ukraine’s territorial integrity. However, to ensure that letters reach their intended recipients in occupied territories, the addresses must be formatted according to Russian regulations.<\/em><\/p> You can also use the ZT<\/a> service (payment via Russian bank cards), OVD-Info<\/a> or Memorial-France<\/a> (free of charge).<\/p> ![\"\"](\"https:\/\/memopzk.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/onuk-eng-1.jpg\")
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