{"id":51739,"date":"2025-11-26T16:03:19","date_gmt":"2025-11-26T13:03:19","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/memopzk.org\/?post_type=news&p=51739"},"modified":"2025-11-27T15:20:07","modified_gmt":"2025-11-27T12:20:07","slug":"freedom-for-political-prisoners-the-release-of-victims-of-political-repression-must-be-part-of-a-peace-settlement","status":"publish","type":"news","link":"https:\/\/memopzk.org\/en\/news\/freedom-for-political-prisoners-the-release-of-victims-of-political-repression-must-be-part-of-a-peace-settlement\/","title":{"rendered":"Freedom for Political Prisoners : The Release of Victims of Political Repression Must Be Part of a Peace Settlement"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Statement of the Project \u201cPolitical Prisoners Support. Memorial\u201d<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The peace settlement proposals for the Russian\u2013Ukrainian war that have appeared in recent days give a fragile but real hope for ending this horrific conflict.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The importance of halting this bloody and destructive war cannot be overstated.
But equally vital is ensuring that a peace agreement includes the release of all those who have been deprived of their liberty because of this war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The published proposals include\u2014crucially\u2014conditions for the release of prisoners of war, Ukrainian civilian hostages, and forcibly transferred children. Interpreted broadly, these provisions may also be taken to imply the release of Ukrainians who have been deprived of their liberty by the Russian authorities as a result of criminal prosecution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These conditions are in line with the demands of the international People First<\/em> campaign, launched in January 2025 by the Center for Civil Liberties and Memorial, the two Nobel Peace Prize laureates of 2022.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, none of the existing proposals mention another essential requirement of People First<\/em>: the release of all other victims of politically motivated criminal prosecution in Russia\u2014those who are not Ukrainian citizens.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We are convinced that a peace agreement must also include the release of everyone in Russia who has been imprisoned for their statements or actions that expressed an anti-war stance or support for Ukraine.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Releasing these individuals alongside ending the war that led to their imprisonment is not only logical but undeniably just.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After peace is established, the release of Russian political prisoners must become a condition for any easing of sanctions imposed on Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A peace settlement creates a unique opportunity for their liberation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Assisting in the release of both those imprisoned because of the war and all political prisoners is important not only for humanitarian, moral, and legal reasons.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The liberation of victims of political repression will be a signal of hope and an act of support for that part of Russian society which opposes war and dictatorship and is committed to democratic values. Their public engagement and civic stance will be strengthened by the knowledge that those with whom they identify are freed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The release of political prisoners will also positively influence wider groups within Russian society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Freeing those whose imprisonment was intended to intimidate and stifle civil society will weaken the suffocating effect of fear and strengthen civil liberties suppressed by repression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Such liberation will influence the trajectory of Russian civil society, increasing the chances\u2014and accelerating the timeline\u2014of its shift toward democracy and peaceful, good-neighborly relations with the world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The participation of democratic countries in securing the release of victims of political repression in Russia will also serve as an important counterargument to Kremlin propaganda claims that \u201cno one cares about Russians.\u201d It will clearly demonstrate the interest of democratic nations in protecting the rights of Russians from violations committed by their own government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Efforts to free the victims of Russian political repression are an investment in a future peaceful and democratic Russia\u2014and therefore in a safer future for Europe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We call on everyone involved in the peace process to work toward the release of Russia\u2019s prisoners of war and all other victims of political repression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Independent human rights project  \u201cPolitical Prisoners Support. Memorial\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Appendix:<\/em><\/strong><\/a><\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Political repression, especially politically motivated unlawful deprivation of liberty, is a key element of the modern Russian regime. The system of political repression \u2014 including its legislative framework and enforcement practices \u2014 has been built up consistently over decades. It has enabled the strengthening of authoritarianism, the destruction of all tools and mechanisms for society to influence the authorities, the suffocation of civil society as a whole, and the pursuit of aggressive foreign policy. The role of these repressions has grown especially sharply since the start of the full-scale war against Ukraine; they have become both the foundation and a necessary condition for the continuation of this war.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

From 2008 to the present, according to incomplete data collected by the project Support for Political Prisoners. Memorial, more than 9,000 people have been prosecuted in criminal cases that show signs of political motivation and unlawfulness. At present, more than 3,700 people are deprived of liberty under such cases (excluding those whose sole citizenship is Ukrainian).<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

We are referring to the need to secure the release \u2014 during the peace settlement or immediately following it \u2014 of two large, overlapping groups of prisoners.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1. Individuals deprived of liberty for statements and actions opposing the war or expressing support for Ukraine.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Their release, together with the release of prisoners of war from both sides, Ukrainian civilian hostages captured by Russia, and abducted Ukrainian children, is demanded by the international PeopleFirst campaign (<\/em>https:\/\/people1st.online<\/em><\/a>), launched by two Nobel Peace Prize\u2013winning organizations.
According to the campaign\u2019s concept, the release of all prisoners of Russia\u2019s war against Ukraine must become a priority in any agreements reached through negotiation.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Within this group of politically motivated detainees \u2014 numbering, according to our data, at least 1,450 people \u2014 the following major subcategories can be identified:<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.1 Persons deprived of liberty for exercising their right to freedom of expression<\/strong> \u2014 most often on social media, though not exclusively. These are people who condemn the war of aggression and war crimes, disseminate information that differs from the official line, or express support or even mere understanding for Ukrainians.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

They include, first, those prosecuted under Criminal Code articles that in various ways contradict the Russian Constitution, Russia\u2019s international obligations, and basic principles of law: Art.\u202f207.<\/strong>3 (knowingly spreading false information about the use of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation); Art.\u202f280.3<\/strong> (discrediting the use of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation); Art.\u202f280.4<\/strong> (calls for activity directed against the security of the Russian Federation).<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Second, they include people deprived of liberty on unfounded charges under: Art.\u202f205.2<\/strong> (public calls for terrorist activity, justification or propaganda of terrorism); Art.\u202f280<\/strong> (public calls for extremist activity);
Art.\u202f282<\/strong> (incitement of hatred or enmity).
The extremely broad wording of these provisions, their expansive interpretation, and arbitrary enforcement have turned them into a mass instrument of repression against opponents of the aggression.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.2 Persons deprived of liberty on charges of various forms of cooperation with foreign entities.<\/strong>
These include defendants under Art.\u202f275.1 (confidential cooperation with foreigners), a vaguely formulated provision that punishes mere interaction with foreign citizens or organizations\u2014most often Ukrainian\u2014that has had no harmful consequences.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many hundreds of people have been deprived of liberty on charges under Art.\u202f275<\/strong> (high treason). The number of prosecutions under this article has grown by almost two orders of magnitude during the full<\/em>\u2011<\/em>scale war. Those accused include people who made, usually very small, donations to help Ukraine; people accused of attempting, or merely intending, to join the defense of Ukraine in the ranks of the Armed Forces of Ukraine; or people accused of passing information to Ukraine or taking other actions in Ukraine\u2019s interests that did not threaten anyone\u2019s life or health.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.3<\/em><\/strong> Defendants under Art.\u202f205.5<\/strong> (participation in a terrorist organization) and Art.\u202f205.4<\/strong> (participation in a terrorist community), less often under Art.\u202f281.2<\/strong> (participation in an extremist organization), Art.\u202f282.1<\/strong> (participation in an extremist community), or Art.\u202f208<\/strong> (participation in an illegal armed formation), for cooperation with units of the Ukrainian Armed Forces arbitrarily declared \u201cterrorist\u201d by the Russian authorities (e.g., the \u201cFreedom of Russia\u201d Legion, the Russian Volunteer Corps, \u201cAzov,\u201d etc.) or with other representatives of Ukraine.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.4<\/em><\/strong> Defendants under Art.\u202f205<\/strong> (terrorist act) and Art.\u202f281<\/strong> (sabotage) and related articles, as well as Arts.\u202f213<\/strong> (hooliganism), Art. 214 <\/strong>(vandalism), and Art. 167 <\/strong>(deliberate destruction or damage to property), for anti<\/em>\u2011<\/em>war protest actions or actions in support of Ukraine that involved damage to property\u2014often symbolic\u2014that did not threaten anyone\u2019s life or health. The actual damage was generally minor; many defendants are prosecuted only for attempted or preparatory acts; and police provocation and outright falsification play a large role.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.5<\/em><\/strong> Former service members of the Ukrainian Armed Forces\u2014mostly prisoners of war\u2014who are not Ukrainian citizens and are groundlessly charged under Art.\u202f359<\/strong> (mercenarism) and other offences solely for their service in the Ukrainian Armed Forces.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.6<\/em><\/strong> Persons charged under Art.\u202f337<\/strong> (unauthorised abandonment of unit), Art. 338<\/strong> (desertion), Art. 332 <\/strong>(failure to obey an order), or Art. 352.1<\/strong> (voluntary surrender) for refusing to participate in combat against Ukraine on grounds of conscience or religion.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The above describes only the most common and typical mechanisms of political repression connected with the war. A single person may be deprived of liberty on several such charges at once. There is also a significant number of politically motivated criminal cases against opponents of the war and supporters of Ukraine that do not fit neatly into these categories. There is no less reason to demand the release of these people during a peace settlement than of those whose persecution follows the more typical patterns described.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Although the PeopleFirst campaign demands the priority release of all the above-mentioned persons as a result of peace negotiations, it is highly likely that this will not be fully achieved. We believe that the release of those who remain in captivity after a cease<\/em>\u2011<\/em>fire should become one of the necessary conditions for the subsequent easing of sanctions imposed on the Russian Federation.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

2. Persons unlawfully deprived of their liberty for political reasons (political prisoners) not directly related to the war against Ukraine<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The overall variety of schemes and instruments of political repression is much greater than in the case of repression that is a direct result of aggression against Ukraine; nevertheless, the following main blocks can be identified (their boundaries, however, are conditional and partially overlap):<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.1. Criminal prosecution in connection with the non-violent exercise of the right to freedom of expression<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Prosecutions under Art. 205.2<\/strong> (public calls for terrorist activity, justification or propaganda of terrorism), Art. 280<\/strong> (public calls for extremist activity), and Art. 282<\/strong> (incitement of hatred or enmity) most often target people who have publicly expressed critical opinions and assessments regarding representatives and supporters of the authorities, or who have mentioned individuals, organizations, and events labeled as terrorist or extremist by the Russian authorities. Even in cases where some statements were relatively sharp, they did not pose any real public danger. In the vast majority of cases, we are talking about indisputably lawful expressions of opinion, and in this group there are no real calls for violence or support for terrorist activity.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Prosecutions under Art. 354.1<\/strong> (rehabilitation of Nazism), Art. 148<\/strong> (offending the feelings of religious believers), and Art. 214<\/strong> (vandalism) are brought for statements not calling for violence or for symbolic non-violent actions that contradict the narratives of official ideology and propaganda. These cases do not involve justification of Nazi crimes, violations of the rights of believers, or any other harm to public or private interests protected by law.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.2. Criminal prosecutions in connection with the exercise of the right to freedom of association<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

First, this refers to prosecutions based on charges under Art. of the Russian Criminal Code that contradict the Russian Constitution, Russia\u2019s international obligations, and basic principles of law: Art. 284.1<\/strong> (carrying out the activities of an \u201cundesirable organization\u201d) and Art. 330.1<\/strong> (failure to comply with the obligations of a \u201cforeign agent\u201d).<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Second, people are prosecuted under Art. 281.2<\/strong> (participation in the activities of an extremist organization), Art. 282.1<\/strong> (participation in the activities of an extremist community), and Art. 282.3 (financing of extremist activity), being accused of involvement in one form or another either with real civic associations (the Anti-Corruption Foundation, Navalny\u2019s HQs, \u201cVesna\u201d) unjustifiably declared extremist, or with entirely non-existent ones (such as the \u201cInternational LGBT Movement\u201d).<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.3. Criminal prosecutions in connection with the exercise of the right to freedom of assembly<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Organizers and participants of peaceful protest actions that were dispersed through unprovoked and excessive police violence are unjustly prosecuted under Art. 212<\/strong> (mass riots) and Art. 318<\/strong> (violence against a representative of authority).<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.4. Criminal prosecution in connection with the non-violent exercise of the right to freedom of conscience<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Prosecutions under Art. 205.5<\/strong> of the Criminal Code (participation in a terrorist organization), Art. 281.2<\/strong> (participation in an extremist organization), and related provisions target individuals justly or falsely accused of involvement in the activities of religious associations\u2014mainly Jehovah\u2019s Witnesses, Hizb ut-Tahrir, Nurdzhular, and Tablighi Jamaat. In all these cases, the individuals are not accused of acts of violence, nor even of calls for violence.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.5.<\/em><\/strong> Although most prosecutions under Art. 275.1<\/strong> (confidential cooperation with foreigners) and Art. 275<\/strong> (high treason) are directly related to the war, some such politically motivated and unfounded charges have no direct connection of that kind.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These criminal cases aim both to persecute dissenters and inconvenient individuals, and to promote a climate of spy mania and the ideological narratives behind it.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.6.<\/em><\/strong> Separately, it is necessary to point out the falsified politically motivated charges under Art. 30, Art. 205<\/strong> (preparation for a terrorist act), under Art. 205.4<\/strong> (participation in a terrorist community) and related articles against groups of political and religious activists, aimed, in particular, at suppressing any form of public self-organization.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

To an even greater extent than in the case of those prisoners whose deprivation of liberty is directly caused by the war against Ukraine, the categories outlined above do not cover the entire spectrum of political repression but merely describe the most typical constructions. In any case, political prisoners\u2014both those who fall within the proposed categorization and those beyond its scope\u2014are documented by human rights organizations.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":0,"template":"","class_list":["post-51739","news","type-news","status-publish","hentry","news-type-nashi-novosti-en"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nFreedom for Political Prisoners : The Release of Victims of Political Repression Must Be Part of a Peace Settlement - Political prisoners support. 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In many cases, of course, the division between these two groups is conditional. On the one hand, the full<\/em>\u2011<\/em>scale war has in principle led to a sharp increase in the scale and brutality of political repression; on the other hand, in many politically motivated cases formally unrelated to the war, one can nonetheless reasonably assume a real motive of suppressing anti<\/em>\u2011<\/em>war or pro<\/em>\u2011<\/em>Ukrainian positions or exacting revenge for them. At the same time, whereas with respect to those deprived of liberty because of the war we do not exclude people whose lack of legal means to resist armed aggression forced them to express protest and resistance in forms formally containing elements of criminal offences, in this part we refer to those whose deprivation of liberty fits the concept of \u201cpolitical prisoner\u201d as formulated by PACE <\/em>Resolution\u202f1900 (2012)<\/em><\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n